| Kingdom of Poland Königreich Polen Królestwo Polskie |
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| Proposed puppet state of the German Empire | |||||
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| Occupation of the Kingdom of Poland during World War I
German-occupied Poland
Austro-Hungarian–occupied Poland
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| Capital | Warsaw | ||||
| Language(s) | Polish, German | ||||
| Government | Regency | ||||
| King | |||||
| - 1916–1918 | Position vacant | ||||
| Head of State | |||||
| - 14 Jan – 25 Aug 1917 | Council of Statea | ||||
| - 1917–1918 | Regency Councila | ||||
| Prime Minister | |||||
| - Nov 1917 – Feb 1918 | Jan Kucharzewski | ||||
| - 27 Feb – 4 Apr 1918 | Antoni Ponikowski | ||||
| - 4 Apr – 23 Oct 1918 | Jan Kanty Steczkowski | ||||
| - 23 Oct – 5 Nov 1918 | Józef Świeżyński | ||||
| - 4–11 Nov 1918 | Władysław Wróblewski | ||||
| Historical era | World War I | ||||
| - Act of 5th November | 5 November 1916 | ||||
| - Treaty of Brest-Litovsk | 3 March 1918 | ||||
| - German Armistice | 11 November 1918 | ||||
| Currency | |||||
| a: Ruled as collective heads of state. | |||||
The Kingdom of Poland, also informally called the Regency Kingdom of Poland (Polish: Królestwo Regencyjne), was a proposed puppet state during World War I by Germany and Austria-Hungary in 1916 after their conquest of the former Congress Poland from Russia. The state was never actually formed, as throughout the war constant debate within German circles existed as to its eventual fate, as well as opposed interests of Austrian, Lithuanian, Ukrainian and Polish forces about the extent of autonomy and its eventual borders with Germany and its Eastern neighbors existed. Both the German Empire and Austro-Hungary refused to recognize Polish diplomats or government of the proposed state during war negotiations in the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk. The area of the proposed kingdom, largely considered a client or even a puppet state,[1] became part of the Second Polish Republic at the conclusion of the war.
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In 1914, the German chancellor was of the belief that for military reasons the eastern border of the German Empire had to be modified, and accepted recommendations by experts, who suggested annexation of a Polish "border strip". In order to avoid including Polish population into the German Empire, it was proposed that they would be removed to a new Polish state in the east, while the border strip would be settled with Germans.[2]
As World War I started, German Emperor William II conceived of creating a dependent Polish state from territory conquered from Russia. This Polish kingdom was to be ruled by a German prince, with limited autonomy, and with the military, transportation and economy being under the control of Germany. Its army would be placed under Prussian command, as would its railway system. Its territory was to be stripped of circa 30,000 square kilometers (roughly the size of Belgium), which was to be largely cleansed of Polish and Jewish population, making room for German settlers.
In the first year of the war, German and Austrian troops quickly conquered the Russian territory of Vistula Land, the former Congress Poland, and in 1915 divided administration between a German Governor General residing at Warsaw, and his Austrian counterpart at Lublin.
The German expansion and its goals in the East were of different nature than those in the West, rather than focusing on mineral and industrial resources, the Eastern expansion was to strengthen German agriculture, expand Junker holdings, and acquire large settlement areas for German farmers and settlers. In this way, the German leadership hoped both to appease the Junker elites and at the same time ease the class conflicts in its rural areas; additionally the confiscation of Russian territories and fertile soil was seen as one way of gaining war reparations from that country. Thus while the western conquests of Germany were to allow its industrial growth, the eastern ones would provide necessary agricultural and settlement areas from the point of view of German policy makers.[3]
In 1915/16, the German Governor-General, Hans Hartwig von Beseler, in several memorandum proposed establishing an independent Polish state. Under the influence of General Ludendorff, then effectively director of Eastern operations, these proposals included considerable annexations by Prussia, Lithuania and Austria-Hungary. Gerhard von Mutius, a cousin of Chancellor Bethmann Hollweg and the foreign office's representative at Beseler's headquarter, disputed this latter element, insisting that, "if the military interests allow for it, divisions and secessions should be avoided", as only such a policy would secure a "anti-Russian inclination of the new Poland".
Austro-Hungary had three different concepts regarding Poland, one called the "Austro-Polish" solution, the creation of a Polish kingdom under the Emperor of Austria, who among other illustrious titles already was King of Galicia and Lodomeria. Such a merger of Galicia and Congress Poland was opposed by the German and Magyar communities within the Habsburg monarchy for fear of a Slavic predominance. While Emperor Francis Joseph was skeptical of such a substantial change, Emperor Charles, who had acceded to the throne in 1916, actively pondered that option, thereby blocking other developments involving the House of Habsburg. Two other options involved dividing Congress Poland between Prussia and Austro-Hungary, or between Austro-Hungary and an unspecified eastern state made out of Lithuania, Belarus and remains of Congress Poland.[4] The Austrians however didn't foresee the strong position of the Germans who were determined to keep the fate of Polish territories within their hands and as the Austrian position weakened, lacked any concerns for the wishes of their weaker allies.[5] The Austrian policymakers considered the creation or annexation of such an entity a heavy burden, but held no illusions that Poles were loyal to the Empire; the Prime Minister Karl von Sturgh expressed his thoughts on the matter: "Poles will remain Poles, even 150 years after Galicia was joined to Austria, Poles still didn't become Austrians".[6] To Austrian politicians it was clear that with the creation of a Polish state Galicia was lost to Austria, one way or another—to limit this loss they proposed to separate its eastern parts by forming East Galicia as an Austrian province.
One of the early potential candidates for the Polish throne were Archduke Charles Stephen of Austria (Polish: Karol Stefan) and his son Charles Albert, who resided in Saybusch in Galicia and spoke Polish fluently. Charles Stephen's daughters were married to Polish aristocrats, the Princes Czartoryski and Radziwiłł.
By early 1916 however, the chances of an Austro-Polish solution were over: The German Chief of the General Staff Erich von Falkenhayn rejected the idea already in January 1916, and the German Chancellor Bethmann von Hollweg followed suit in February. Initially he was willing to allow an Austrian candidate on the Polish throne, but with German control over the Polish economy and raw materials, as well as any Polish army.[7]
The German candidates for the throne were disputed between claims from Saxony and Bavaria, and the Bavarian demand presented Prince Leopold of Bavaria the Supreme Commander of the German forces on the Eastern front as the future ruler of Poland.[8]
The aim of the German policy was to create a region that could be easily exploited and in proper time Germanized, there were even plans to reduce Polish population through famine with the final goal of making Poland a German province[9] During German occupation, Poles were subject to forced labour and confiscation of food and private property.[10]
Although early plans called for Austro-Polish solution, they were abandoned in February in face of growing dependence of Austro-Hungary on Germany[11] Both control over Polish economy and raw resources was to be in Germany's hands and Germany would also be in total control over the Polish army.
The borders of this "autonomous" Poland were to be changed in favour of Germany with annexation of the so-called "Polish Border Strip" which would lead to annexation of considerable parts of Polish territories that were part of Russian partition of Poland. By the end of 1916 Germany wanted to annex almost 30,000 square kilometres of Polish territory. These lands were to be settled by ethnic Germans, while Polish and Jewish population was to be removed[12]
Such plans were also proposed by members of German minority in Poland in the area of Łódź, who protested the Act of November 5, and demanded in a letter to the German government annexation of western Poland by Germany as well as settlement of ethnic Germans in those areas.[13]
After the German offensive failed in the Battle of Verdun and the Austria suffered military setbacks against Italy, Generals Hindenburg and Ludendorff, now supreme commanders of the German military and increasingly the dominant force over the politics of both Germany and Austria, changed their positions on Poland: having previously considered Poland as bargaining card in the event of a separate peace with Russia, they now postulated the establishment of an German dependency, hoping that the creation of a Polish army could replace the Central Powers' losses. In October 1916, at joint deliberations at Pszczyna, the German and Austrian leadership agreed to accelerate the proclamation promising creation of a Polish state in the future.
In the meantime, General von Beseler had managed support among pro-Austrian Poles and the followers of Józef Piłsudski. The Narodowa Demokracja party (centred in Paris) however rejected any cooperation with the Central powers. After the German Emperor and Chancellor met with a Polish delegation led by the Józef Brudziński, the final details were arranged. On November 5, 1916, Govenour von Beseler at Warsaw issued a Act of November 5, in which he promised that a Polish state would be created, without specifying any future Polish ruler, Polish borders or system of governance and, for the first time since 1831, had the Royal Castle decorated with Polish flags. The Austrian Governor-General Kuk issued a similar proclamation at Lublin. A pro-German faction led by the Władysław Studnicki existed but didn't gain any significant backing among Polish population.
Immediately after the proclamation German governor-general in Warsaw issued advertisement for military recruitment, resulting in Polish protests which especially decry the absence of a Polish government.
On 14 January 1917, a Provisional Council of State (Polish: Tymczasowa Rada Stanu) was established as a provisional government, consisting of fifteen members chosen by the German and ten by the Austrian authorities. The magnate Waclaw Niemojowski was appointed Crown Marshall, with Józef Mikułowski-Pomorski acting as his deputy. Franciszek Pius Radziwiłł and Józef Piłsudski were put in charge of the Military Commission. The Council's first proclamation espoused monarchical government, Poland's expansion towards the east and supported an army of volunteers. A National Council served as a provisional parliament. The Councillors insisted on actual Polish autonomy and, on 21 April, were given authority over education, law courts and propaganda. Still, students were dissatisfied with the extent of autonomy and organised a strike on 3 May, resulting in the temporary closing of all universities.
Meanwhile, U.S. President Woodrow Wilson's proclamation in favor of a unified and independent Poland (on 22 January 1917) and the downfall of the Tsar in the February Revolution strengthened the Polish forces favoring a neutral or pro-Entente stance.
In December 1917, a brigade of Polish legions under Stanisław Szeptycki moved into Warsaw to form the officer corps of the new Polish army.
On 21 April, the Council of State had passed a proclamation in favor of the Polish army (German: Polnische Wehrmacht) and appointed Colonel Sikorski to oversee recruitment. The relationship between the Central Powers and the Polish legions became increasingly difficult, especially after the powers barred Austrian subjects from the Legions (now called the Polish auxiliary corps, Polski Korpus Posilkowy), aiming to divert them into the regular Austrian army. Piłsudski had abstained from the vote on the Polish army, and on 2 July resigned together with two left-wing State Councillors. The new army's oath drafted by the governors-general and passed by the Council of State resulted in a political crisis, especially since it was directed to an unspecified "future king" and emphasized the alliance with Germany and Austria. Several legionaries refused to take the oath and were arrested, prompting General von Beseler to arrest Piłsudski his associate Kazimierz Sosnkowski and have them confined in Germany. In August, the remains of the Legions, roughly ten thousand soldiers, were transferred to the Eastern front. Crown Marshall Niemojowski resigned on 6 August and the Council disbanded on 25 August.
After the intermission of the Temporary Committee of the Provisional Council of State (Polish: Komisja Przejściowa Tymczasowej Rady Stanu), the Central Powers introduced a provisional constitution, the patent, on 12 September 1917. The patent devised a constitutional monarchy with a bicameral parliament but without ministerial responsibility. Only schools and courts were transferred to Polish authorities, but — under Polish protests — the German minority was given a separate school system. Pending the election of a King of Poland, a Regency Council (Polish: Rada Regencyjna) was installed as a provisional government. On 18 September, the following members of the Council were named:
The Regency Council was ceremonially installed on 15 October, the anniversary of Tadeusz Kościuszko's death, and on 26 November, appointed Jan Kucharzewski, a lawyer who had been working in the government since June, as Prime Minister.
Administration, however, strictly remained in the hands of German authorities, now headed by Otto von Steinmeister. In March 1918, a resolution of the German Reichstag called for the establishment of a native civil administration in Poland, Kurland and Lithuania. However, the German authorities refused to transfer administration to Polish authorities and merely considered Poles as candidates to be trained under German supervision.
After the oath crisis of 1917, recruitment to the Polish army had received scant support and achieved negligible results, reaching merely 5,000 men. In May 1918, the force was strengthened by General Józef Dowbór-Muśnicki moving his Polish corps — assembled from the former Tsarist army — to Poland. In August, the legionaries arrested for refusing the oath were released and some again volunteered for the Polish army.
In August 1918, Achille Ratti arrived in Warsaw as apostolic visitor to adjust the Catholic Church to the altered political circumstances. This appointment was mainly due to the influence of German Chancellor Georg von Hertling and Eugenio Pacelli, since 1917 Nuncio to Bavaria in Munich. Ratti gained fame in 1920 for being the only diplomat to stay in Warsaw during the Polish–Soviet War and was elected Pope in 1922.
After Germany's Spring Offensive had failed to win the war on the Western front, General Ludendorff in September proposed seeking peace based on the plan outlined by U.S. President Wilson in his Fourteen Points, which in regard to Poland demanded the creation of an "independent Polish state ... guaranteed by international covenant" with "free and secure access to the sea". On 3 October, the new Chancellor Prince Max of Baden announced Germany's acceptance of Wilson's plan and an immediate disestablishment of military administration in the countries occupied by Germany. Three days later, the Regency Council also adopted Wilson's proposals as the basis for creating a Polish state.
On 1 October, General von Beseler had conferred with Hindenburg at Berlin and, informed of the gloomy military situation, had returned to Warsaw ill and dispirited. On 6 October, he handed over administration to Polish civil servants and, on 23 October, transferred the command over Polish forces (which by then included the Polish regiments of the Austro-Hungarian Army) to the Regency Council.
However, the Regency's authority was challenged by another Polish government based at Lublin, where on 6 November the "Polish People's Republic" (Tymczasowy Rząd Ludowy Republiki Polskiej) had been proclaimed. Leaders were the Socialist politician Ignacy Daszyński, formerly a member of the Austrian parliament, as Prime Minister and Colonel Edward Rydz-Śmigły as military commander. Their declaring the Regency to be deposed and their plans for radical social reforms were repudiated by moderate forces in Warsaw, who now hoped for a return of General Piłsudski, who was still held in custody at Magdeburg. Already in October, the Regency Council had requested Piłsudski's release and after deliberations through Harry Graf Kessler, the General was allowed to return to Warsaw, where he arrived on 10 November. The following day, the day Germany signed the armistice and German troops in Warsaw were disarmed as they refused to fire on Polish insurgents. Both the Regency Council and the Daszyński government ceded all authority to Piłsudski. The Regency dissolved itself three days later.
German Governor-General at Warsaw, commander-in-chief of the Polska Siła Zbrojna — Hans Hartwig von Beseler (1 October 1915 – 11 November 1918)
Austro-Hungarian Governors-General at Lublin:
In their proclamation of 5 November 1916 central powers refused to determine Polish borders.
Following the Bolsheviks taking power in Russia in November 1917, some Polish politicians sided with Germany as the "last bulwark of order" against the Bolshevik threat but Germany's policy of creating several smaller client states east of Poland, supported especially by the supreme command under Ludendorff, also heightened resistance to German presence in Polish territories.
With the support of the German military, the Council of Lithuania, proclaimed an independent Lithuanian state on 11 December. Polish sentiment reacted strongly, as it considered Poland and Lithuania to be a historical union and especially since it regarded Wilna (Vilnius), the proposed new Lithuanian capital as a Polish city.
The Regency Council sought admission to the negotiations with the Bolshevik government during travels to Berlin and Vienna early in 1918 but only gained German Chancellor Georg von Hertling's promise to admit the Polish government in an advisory capacity. This, however, was refused by the Bolshevik representatives, who denied the Polish government any legitimacy. The German representative Max Hoffman expressed a belief that "independent Poland was always considered by me to be a utopia, and I have no doubts regarding my support for Ukrainian claims."[14] When the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, signed on 9 February, ceded the province of Chełm — which had been part of Congress Poland until 1913 — to the new state of Ukraine, many in Poland regarded this as a "Fourth partition of Poland", prompting a "political general strike" in Warsaw on 14 February and the resignation of the Jan Kucharzewski administration later that month. Parts of the Polish auxiliary corps under Józef Haller protested by breaking through the Austro-Russian front line to Ukraine, where they united with Polish detachments which had left the Tsarist army. After a fierce battle with the German army at Kaniów in May, the remnants were interned, though Haller managed to escape to Moscow.
However, Poland's unspecified borders were threatened in the West as well: Late in 1917, the German supreme command had proposed annexing a "border strip" to Germany,[15] a policy earlier suggested by a letter to the German government by members of Poland's German minority, settled around Łódź.[16] Such plans were agreed to in principle by the German government in March 1918 and in April gained support in the Prussian House of Lords but were strongly opposed by General von Beseler in a report to Emperor William.
In July, Ludendorff specified his plans in a memorandum, proposing annexing a greatly enlarged "border strip" of 20,000 square kilometers. [15][17] In August, Emperor Charles of Austria insisted on the Austropolish option, forbidding Archduke Charles Stephen to accept the crown and declaring his opposition to any German plans for annexations. In response, General Ludendorff agreed to leave Wilna (and possibly Minsk) to Poland but reaffirmed the "border strip" plan. However, this did little to soothe Polish sentiment, which regarded the return of Wilna as self-evident and refused to yield any part of the former Kingdom of Poland.
